DISCLAIMER The following is a staff memorandum or other working document prepared for the members of the Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments. It should not be construed as representing the final conclusions of fact or interpretation of the issues. All staff memoranda are subject to revision based on further information and analysis. For conclusions and recommendations of the Advisory Committee, readers are advised to consult the Final Report to be published in 1995. TAB H PART 1C xx DRAFT x FOR DISCUSSION PURPOSES xxx MEMORANDUM TO: Members of the Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments FROM: Advisory Committee Staff DATE: November 9, 1994 RE: An Evaluation of Current Environmental Regulations This memo combines the concerns articulated in the first memo with the facts described in the second. How well do current regulations meet the ethical concerns raised by intentional releases? I. FAVORABLE BALANCE OF HARMS AND BENEFITS Current substantive and procedural regulations are designed to promote a favorable balance of harms and benefits. It is unclear, however, how successfully they achieve this. The harm from intentional releases can easily be distributed such that no individual has a significant chance of being harmed even though it is likely that some in the exposed population will be harmed. For example, if the level of radiation from an intentional release posed 1 in 20,000 lifetime risk of induced fatal cancer to each exposed individual then the risk to each individual would be small. If, however, the intentional release exposed 100,000 individuals then we would expect it to cause five fatal cancers. From the perspective of the affected individuals and the total public health the effect would be significant. Most of the substantive standards, however, are designed to limit the likelihood that the maximum exposed individual will experience harm rather than limiting the likelihood of harm to the total population. Regulations under the Clean Air Act, for example, limit the exposure of the maximum exposed individual to 10 millirem/year, derived from a standard of 1 in 10,000 lifetime risk of induced fatal cancer.1 [The Clean Air standards may be out of date. Using BIER V estimates, an annual exposure of 10 millirem/ year would produce 5.6 excess fatal cancers per 10,000, and using the UNSCEAR report (1988) would produce a similar estimate.] 1 This has some apparently puzzling consequences. An air emission that exposed one individual to 11 millirem/year would be illegal. But an air emission that exposed 100,000 individuals to 9 millirem/year, however, would be legal. The standards for the Atomic Energy Act are of the same type--they focus on the likelihood of harm posed to the maximally exposed individual rather than the likelihood of harm to the total exposed population. Guidance within agencies may, however, speak to this problem. Guidance within DOE, for example, regulates the collective dose. First, any collective dose over 100 person/rem triggers a special reporting requirement that forces the facility to report to DOE headquarters on reasons for the high collective dose.2 [Duncan Thomas, using the BEIR V table, estimates that 100 person/rem would produce 0.08 excess fatal cancers. This may be a more stringent requirement than the Clean Air Act, depending on the size of the population.] Second, internal DOE guidance specifies doses should be "as low as reasonably achievable" (ALARA). The staff does not yet know whether other agencies have similar guidelines. National Environmental Protection Act (NEPA) may also speak to this problem. For any major federal action an agency must prepare an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) which compares a proposed course of action with alternatives that might affect the environment less severely. This procedural requirement forces agencies to at least consider alternatives with lower collective doses. Conflicts among the harms and benefits of intentional releases may be difficult to adjudicate because of possible incommensurability. This issue is, however, addressed by current regulations. In most cases, substantive regulations indirectly protect the environment. By limiting the permissible doses to humans substantive regulations invariably limit the level of radiation emitted into the environment. These regulations may not protect the environment, however, in very remote areas where radiation may have little effect on the maximally exposed individual even if it has a significant effect on the environment. Procedural regulations may go farther to promote concern for environmental values. NEPA directs agencies to independently consider environmental effects. NEPA requires an EIS that conducts not only a cost benefit analysis of economic values but also an analysis of environmental ones. The cost-benefit analysis must, "discuss the relationship between that analysis and any analyses of unquantified environmental impacts, values, and amenities." Whether forcing agencies to consider environmental values in an EIS is sufficient to ensure that they give adequate weight to environmental values when they adopt policy is, of course, an open question. Environmental regulations also address the conflict between national security and other social values. Each of the environmental regulations may be circumvented on the grounds of "paramount national interest." Significant threats to national security, therefore, can trump environmental regulations and the environmental values that they protect. But the procedures that allow national security to trump 2 environmental values seem to reflect the difficulty of adjudicating conflicts between disparate social values. They remain vague. What constitutes a "paramount national interest" is unclear, and it is difficult to predict when, or if, it will be invoked in the future. Internal DOE guidance also attempts to weigh these disparate values. The ALARA "as low as reasonably achievable" standard is designed to consider unquantifiable values. More specifically, radiation doses should be as low as social, technical, economic, practical, and public policy considerations reasonably permit. In a community which shows extraordinary concern about radiation risks, for example, it might be reasonable to put extra efforts into lowering emissions. The community's aversion to radiation risk would be a social consideration that would justify lower levels of radiation. If the emission is necessary for national security, however, it might be unreasonable to make the same efforts. National security would be a public policy consideration that would justify higher levels of radiation. The DOE official in charge determines what technique is used to weigh the competing values and the level of stakeholder involvement. There is no prior review of his decisions, but his decisions can be audited after the fact. II. SELECTION OF SITE AND QUESTIONS OF JUSTICE When an agency selects a site to build a facility capable of an intentional release, or when an agency chooses a preexisting site for an intentional release, NEPA requires that it provide an EIS. Ironically, this might produce perverse incentives. Public comment motivates agencies to consider the public's reaction to any proposed action. When choosing a potential site for an intentional release, therefore, the responsible agency would be motivated to choose a site that would cause the least public outcry. The public's response, however, may be more a function of how well a community is politically organized than of the danger posed by the intentional release. Thus, when choosing a potential site the responsible agency has an incentive to choose one in the community that offers the least political resistance. Because more advantaged communities tend to have better political organization this incentive may translate into an incentive to locate dangerous sites near low income and minority communities. Executive Order (EO) 12898 "Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations," however, is designed to prevent such disproportionate burdens. The executive order directs agencies to make achieving environmental justice part of their mission. Whether this executive order will be effective is yet to be seen. The proposed strategy of each agency will not be public until February 1995. III. LEGITIMACY, AUTHORIZATION, AND CONSENT None of the regulations require individual consent. We might interpret some of the provisions, however, as requiring a kind of democratic consent. NEPA requires federal agencies to seek and 3 respond to public comments on the environmental effects (including the people living in the environment) of their major actions. The government need not do this in any other area of public policy. It does not need to consult the public on economics, on welfare policy, on foreign policy, or on housing policy. The fact that the government does consult the public on questions of environmental impact makes environmental policy uniquely democratic. Despite this fact we may question whether environmental policy is democratic enough. While NEPA requires agencies to consult with the public it does not require that they follow the public's wishes. There is no requirement that the public at large or the members of the public most affected by a federal action approve of the federal action. In addition, NEPA does not require public consultation when the federal action concerns classified material. One of the most difficult questions about weighing social values--how environmental values should be weighed against the value of national security--is done behind closed doors. IV. SECRECY AND DISCLOSURE NEPA regulations require agencies to provide the public with information regarding any major federal action and to respond to any significant public comment. The implementing regulations read, "Request comments from the public, affirmatively soliciting comments from those persons or organizations who may be interested or affected." Sec 1503.1 (a)(4) They must also "Make diligent efforts to involve the public in preparing and implementing their NEPA procedures." The NEPA regulations do not, however, require public comment when the major federal action concerns classified material. Environmental assessments and environmental impact statements which address classified proposals may be safeguarded and restricted from public dissemination in accordance with agencies' own regulations applicable to classified information. These documents may be organized so that classified portions can be included as annexes, in order that the unclassified portions can be made available to the public. Sec. 1507.3 (c) In addition, EO 12898 requires agencies to seek public comment for actions that may affect environmental justice. V. PRIOR REVIEW Do the current regulations require a proposed intentional release to be reviewed by a disinterested third party? NEPA requires the EPA to review major federal actions for their environmental impact. NEPA also requires other agencies with special expertise to review proposed actions. 4 Prior to making any detailed statement, the responsible Federal official shall consult with and obtain the comments of any Federal agency which has jurisdiction by law or special expertise with respect to any environmental impact involved. And it must, Obtain the comments of any Federal agency which has jurisdiction by law or special expertise with respect to any environmental impact involved or which is authorized to develop and enforce environmental standards. Sec 1503.1(a)(1) In most cases this would seem to guarantee a disinterested review by a third party. It might be possible, however, to have the EPA and any other agency that has special expertise in a proposed release to have a promotional interest in obtaining data. In addition, even if a reviewing agency does not have a promotional interest in the proposal other government agencies may be more accommodating then those outside the government. On some issues agencies may have a relationship with another part of the government or they may share an assumption that the best solution must be some kind of government action rather than non-governmental solutions. In such cases the reviews would not be disinterested. Both NEPA and EO 12898, however, make public review possible. Because some member of the public invariably meets a reasonable definition of "disinterested," public review doesn't have the same problem with disinterestedness. Public review, however, might have other problems. Because agencies can ignore the public's advice we might question its effectiveness. 5